Gosh! If you do not read Chinese, I hope you can still somehow picture what the book is about by its English title.
This book is written by Dr. Masegseg Zengror Gadu (Paiwan) who told me to study history in Leiden.
This book is written by Dr. Masegseg Zengror Gadu (Paiwan) who told me to study history in Leiden.
In this book (2011), Dr. Gadu (meaning mountain in Paiwan) argues based on his field trips to three Paiwan villages in the north of Pintung County, Piyuma, Tavadran and Padain Kiniveqacan.
He says Paiwan tend to personify their territories by giving them names and regard them as having personality or the quality of a living being because they regard the environment as part of the body.
He says Paiwan tend to personify their territories by giving them names and regard them as having personality or the quality of a living being because they regard the environment as part of the body.
Accordingly, here would be how Paiwan think of their land:
"The top of the mountain is sacred to the people; rivers and valleys are pathways where god travels, and men must not block the pathways; the heart of god rests at the side of the mountain, like how a baby rests closes to the heart of the mother, that's where god creates and places people; the land has breathing passages (verang or sinasi nua kadjunangan in Paiwan), through which deceased ancestors in the nether land are connected with the living in the modern world; many places such as the water source are forbidden, so that the norm that governs the relationship between the people and environment can be maintained, and people will not suffer due to violation of the norm; the mountains have ears, therefore you must not curse people there, in case the mountains should turn and curse you; instead, you should sing beautiful songs, so that the mountains can sing with you." (p.180, my translation and italics)
「族人認定山頭是神聖；河川與山涯是神的路，所以人不能阻擋；山腰上是神的心臟，是創造並安置人之處，正如孩子靠近母親的心臟一樣；大地是有呼吸道（排灣族語叫verang或sinasi nua kadjunangan），藉以連接陰間世界的祖先與現代的人；為了維持人與生態一種正規關係，有許多地方被視為禁地，部落成員不能犯忌以免招致禍患，水源就是其中之一；眾山是有耳朵，所以在山谷中不得罵人，因為眾山會回頭過來罵你，因此在山谷中要唱好聽的歌，眾山用迴響與你合唱。」（頁180）
This conclusion cannot be reached without a detailed investigation into the names of the places given by Paiwan villagers, and such investigation will not be possible if Dr. Gadu is not fluent in the Paiwan language. Therefore in addition to being a study of Paiwan naming systems, this book has a second feature of being a dictionary of Paiwan where prefixes, in-fixes and suffixes are especially and clearly explained.
For example, in the village of Piyuma, fifteen types of affix are used in naming places (pp. 39-46):
1. "i"--meaning 'at...' or 'in...' e.g. "i cakar" (in the men's house)
2. "ita-"--a place with a clear target such as plant or animal e.g. "ita-qarabangaba" (where the soil is loose)
3. "itji-"--much more specific than "ita" e.g. "itji-calinga" (at the ear-like place)
4. "itjai-"--specifying direction or location e.g. "itjai-teku" (right there in the land below)
5. "itju"--accentuating the feature of the place e.g. "itju maljakai" (where you can swing)
6. "ka-"--accentuating the value of the place e.g. "ka-kavayan" (where ramie grows)
7. "kini-"--indicating a past event e.g. "kini-pairangan" (where pairang [the Chinese] were struck)
8. "tju-"--naming after the feature of the place e.g. "tju-galunglung" (where it echoes)
9. "pina-"--where something was meant to happen e.g. "pina-lisi" (where taboo is placed)
10. "pinu-"--where somethings used to be located e.g. "pinu-laitan" (where the lighter is)
11. "pu-"--where something grows e.g. "pu-ciqavan" (where fishes are bred)
12. "maru"--resembling something e.g. "maru qiljas" (at the moon-like place)
13. "si-"--accentuating the purpose e.g. "si-gadu" (in the mountain)
14. "ti-"--specifying a special purpose with a third person e.g. "ti-Vesang" (at the farm of Vesang)
15. "tjana-"--comparing the place with someone or something e.g. "tjana-umaq" (in the village)
Besides, there are also names without affixes. Instead, they indicate the following:
1. direction e.g. "cikciklan" (where you should turn)
2. behavior e.g. "ijaljapan" (where the enemy was ambushed)
3. fauna e.g. "cumai" (where bears are seen)
4. flora e.g. "djaqadjaqas" (where the trees djaqas grow)
5. family e.g. "tjaruljivak" (on the land of the family tjaruljvak)
6. where hunters rest e.g. "pinu-pariyukan" (where the wok is)
7. village e.g. "kulajuc" (the village kulajuc)
8. water source e.g. "validian" (where the river whirlpools are)
9. others e.g. "palaljan" (where the feature is)
This conclusion cannot be reached without a detailed investigation into the names of the places given by Paiwan villagers, and such investigation will not be possible if Dr. Gadu is not fluent in the Paiwan language. Therefore in addition to being a study of Paiwan naming systems, this book has a second feature of being a dictionary of Paiwan where prefixes, in-fixes and suffixes are especially and clearly explained.
For example, in the village of Piyuma, fifteen types of affix are used in naming places (pp. 39-46):
1. "i"--meaning 'at...' or 'in...' e.g. "i cakar" (in the men's house)
2. "ita-"--a place with a clear target such as plant or animal e.g. "ita-qarabangaba" (where the soil is loose)
3. "itji-"--much more specific than "ita" e.g. "itji-calinga" (at the ear-like place)
4. "itjai-"--specifying direction or location e.g. "itjai-teku" (right there in the land below)
5. "itju"--accentuating the feature of the place e.g. "itju maljakai" (where you can swing)
6. "ka-"--accentuating the value of the place e.g. "ka-kavayan" (where ramie grows)
7. "kini-"--indicating a past event e.g. "kini-pairangan" (where pairang [the Chinese] were struck)
8. "tju-"--naming after the feature of the place e.g. "tju-galunglung" (where it echoes)
9. "pina-"--where something was meant to happen e.g. "pina-lisi" (where taboo is placed)
10. "pinu-"--where somethings used to be located e.g. "pinu-laitan" (where the lighter is)
11. "pu-"--where something grows e.g. "pu-ciqavan" (where fishes are bred)
12. "maru"--resembling something e.g. "maru qiljas" (at the moon-like place)
13. "si-"--accentuating the purpose e.g. "si-gadu" (in the mountain)
14. "ti-"--specifying a special purpose with a third person e.g. "ti-Vesang" (at the farm of Vesang)
15. "tjana-"--comparing the place with someone or something e.g. "tjana-umaq" (in the village)
Besides, there are also names without affixes. Instead, they indicate the following:
1. direction e.g. "cikciklan" (where you should turn)
2. behavior e.g. "ijaljapan" (where the enemy was ambushed)
3. fauna e.g. "cumai" (where bears are seen)
4. flora e.g. "djaqadjaqas" (where the trees djaqas grow)
5. family e.g. "tjaruljivak" (on the land of the family tjaruljvak)
6. where hunters rest e.g. "pinu-pariyukan" (where the wok is)
7. village e.g. "kulajuc" (the village kulajuc)
8. water source e.g. "validian" (where the river whirlpools are)
9. others e.g. "palaljan" (where the feature is)
Equal attention has been paid to Tavadran and Padain Kiniveqacan, where naming systems mostly agree with that practiced in Piyuma. Each of these case shows Paiwan give personified or humanized names to their land in order to remember the special relationship they share with the environment and the values they hold of managing the nature.
Nevertheless, this personified land-naming system was challenged by waves of different colonial powers and replaced first when the Japanese implemented 'Land Registration Regulation' （土地登記規則）in May 1905 to the detriment of 'illiterate' indigenous peoples, and again when the Chinese continued this former policy after taking Taiwan over in 1945 and made Article 2 (b) of "National Property Act"（國有財產法）valid for the island. It goes,
"Unless otherwise specified in other relevant Acts, all properties not belonging to private or local government shall be deemed to be the national property." （凡不屬於私有或地方所有之財產除法律另有規定，均應視為國有財產。）
Consequently, many pieces of unregistered indigenous land became national properties. Cumai (where bears appear), gemadu (where the hills are), ita daraljap (where banyan trees grow), i taipacekelj (at the land of the family Pacekelj) all became the boring Yongle Section (yongle means forever happiness in Chinese, pp. 129-132). In the village of Tavadran, Paiwan territories have become either public or private, so did the village, water sources, forbidden places, farms, rivers and hunting grounds also become forest land where use is very much limited (p. 175). There is no surprise that Paiwan stories and memories would get lost as the names attached to them were forcefully replaced by total strangers.
As the book ends classically with a call that the government should encourage further studies in indigenous land-naming systems and should return lands indigenous peoples, I cannot help but wonder about diachronic changes these naming systems have gone through since the past few centuries.
And I especially cannot help but wonder the truth of Dr. Gadu's interpretation of the Dutch period for he said in a single paragraph,
"After the Dutch settled in Taiwan, they made the land national, developed the resources thereof under the name of the Dutch East India Company, and subjugated Formosans with force. The Dutch provided with the crops to grow and managed the farms via the Dutch East India Company, whereas Formosans ceased to be their own masters but became wage laborers. Naturally, the right to manage the land originally belonging to the chief was completely taken over by the Dutch East India Company, and Formosans became human resources of the Dutch government. Although the Dutch had never had a complete rule over Paiwan territories, many Paiwan lands at the hillside were once production areas for the Dutch and Paiwan were laborers for the Dutch." (p. 170)
「荷蘭人入駐臺灣之後，先國有化土地，且由東印度公司來開發土地和資源，並以武力來馴服原住民，使之降服於荷蘭政權。荷蘭提供要種植的作物，然後由東印度公司來管理經營，使得原住民不得當自己的主人，而只能當工人而已，當然，酋長的土地管理權也被東印度公司所取代。所以，人民的人力資源也就成為了政府的資源。雖然荷蘭人未完全管轄、支配排灣族的轄區。然而，山腰下的排灣族的土地，曾經是荷蘭人的生產地，人民成為荷蘭人的人力資源。」（頁170）
With all due respect and admiration to the book, I do not think Dr. Gadu has read seriously about the Dutch period, and I probably have to apologize for not failing to provide him with a better knowledge since he wrote the recommendation letter that sent me to Leiden.
This is actually what happens with most of the articulations of the Dutch period in Taiwan; many are simply impressionistic. I have heard many scholars' call for detailed studies about Formosans in the Dutch period in the topic of land, law, adaption to colonial rule, language, culture and customs, migration history, even literature as people again mentioned in the 4th forum on Taiwanese indigenous literature. Two scholars cited examples of indigenous individuals who wrote waka (a Japanese-style poetry) during the Japanese period, so naturally the audience started to ask, "What about the Qing period?" or "What about the Dutch period?"
Yes, what about the Dutch period? I will answer that soon. As a token of gratitude to Dr. Gadu, I think I prefer to translate the title of his book as,
"Humanized Land-Naming System by Paiwan: Field Researches and Cultural Interpretations of The Names of Three Historical Sites".
Nevertheless, this personified land-naming system was challenged by waves of different colonial powers and replaced first when the Japanese implemented 'Land Registration Regulation' （土地登記規則）in May 1905 to the detriment of 'illiterate' indigenous peoples, and again when the Chinese continued this former policy after taking Taiwan over in 1945 and made Article 2 (b) of "National Property Act"（國有財產法）valid for the island. It goes,
"Unless otherwise specified in other relevant Acts, all properties not belonging to private or local government shall be deemed to be the national property." （凡不屬於私有或地方所有之財產除法律另有規定，均應視為國有財產。）
Consequently, many pieces of unregistered indigenous land became national properties. Cumai (where bears appear), gemadu (where the hills are), ita daraljap (where banyan trees grow), i taipacekelj (at the land of the family Pacekelj) all became the boring Yongle Section (yongle means forever happiness in Chinese, pp. 129-132). In the village of Tavadran, Paiwan territories have become either public or private, so did the village, water sources, forbidden places, farms, rivers and hunting grounds also become forest land where use is very much limited (p. 175). There is no surprise that Paiwan stories and memories would get lost as the names attached to them were forcefully replaced by total strangers.
As the book ends classically with a call that the government should encourage further studies in indigenous land-naming systems and should return lands indigenous peoples, I cannot help but wonder about diachronic changes these naming systems have gone through since the past few centuries.
And I especially cannot help but wonder the truth of Dr. Gadu's interpretation of the Dutch period for he said in a single paragraph,
"After the Dutch settled in Taiwan, they made the land national, developed the resources thereof under the name of the Dutch East India Company, and subjugated Formosans with force. The Dutch provided with the crops to grow and managed the farms via the Dutch East India Company, whereas Formosans ceased to be their own masters but became wage laborers. Naturally, the right to manage the land originally belonging to the chief was completely taken over by the Dutch East India Company, and Formosans became human resources of the Dutch government. Although the Dutch had never had a complete rule over Paiwan territories, many Paiwan lands at the hillside were once production areas for the Dutch and Paiwan were laborers for the Dutch." (p. 170)
「荷蘭人入駐臺灣之後，先國有化土地，且由東印度公司來開發土地和資源，並以武力來馴服原住民，使之降服於荷蘭政權。荷蘭提供要種植的作物，然後由東印度公司來管理經營，使得原住民不得當自己的主人，而只能當工人而已，當然，酋長的土地管理權也被東印度公司所取代。所以，人民的人力資源也就成為了政府的資源。雖然荷蘭人未完全管轄、支配排灣族的轄區。然而，山腰下的排灣族的土地，曾經是荷蘭人的生產地，人民成為荷蘭人的人力資源。」（頁170）
With all due respect and admiration to the book, I do not think Dr. Gadu has read seriously about the Dutch period, and I probably have to apologize for not failing to provide him with a better knowledge since he wrote the recommendation letter that sent me to Leiden.
This is actually what happens with most of the articulations of the Dutch period in Taiwan; many are simply impressionistic. I have heard many scholars' call for detailed studies about Formosans in the Dutch period in the topic of land, law, adaption to colonial rule, language, culture and customs, migration history, even literature as people again mentioned in the 4th forum on Taiwanese indigenous literature. Two scholars cited examples of indigenous individuals who wrote waka (a Japanese-style poetry) during the Japanese period, so naturally the audience started to ask, "What about the Qing period?" or "What about the Dutch period?"
Yes, what about the Dutch period? I will answer that soon. As a token of gratitude to Dr. Gadu, I think I prefer to translate the title of his book as,
"Humanized Land-Naming System by Paiwan: Field Researches and Cultural Interpretations of The Names of Three Historical Sites".
No comments:
Post a Comment