Saturday, September 1, 2018

Edward H. House’s Formosans in 1874

(Source: Stone Gate in Mudan Township Pingtung Taiwan)

"The Formosa enterprise", says Edward Howard House (1836-1901), a journalist covering Japan for New York Tribune in the 1870s,  "was prompted by a fine impulse of humanity, and was carried through with unvarying resolution, spirit, and, at the proper moment, calm discretion".

And the world owes thanks to the young nation Japan for demonstrating "excellent qualities of diplomatic capacity and statesmanship", and for "performing a signal service to the community of nations...[by ridding] the Pacific Ocean of a scourge which threatened the safety of mariners" (The Expedition to Formosa, 224 &212; my italics).

What is this Formosa enterprise? What is the scourge to be chastised and rid off by Japan?


(Source: The Expedition to Formosa, published in 1875 in Tokyo)

Answers can be found in House's The Expedition to Formosa, written in his "good fortune" (p. 24) capacity as the sole correspondent of the expedition.

Briefly, the Formosa enterprise refers to the Japanese force invasion in Longkiau (present-day Hengchun Pennisula Pingtung Taiwan), spanning for seven months from May to December 1874 under the pretense of avenging national subjects murdered by the natives of Formosa in 1871 and maintaining security for the maritime world. The most intensive skirmish was fought at Stone Gate], taking sixteen lives from Paiwan and six from Japan.

In connection, the scourge to be chastised and rid off refers to the natives of Formosa, the Paiwan of present-day Sinevaudjan and Kusus villages in Longkiau, for committing the atrocity in 1871 by slaughtering most of sixty-six crew members from the Ryukyu Islands who shipwrecked in their territory.

This history is better known as Mudan Incident 牡丹社事件. It has been widely studied and written about from various perspectives. Debates over China's control over East Formosa and the natives, motives behind the murder of 1871 and the punitive expedition of 1874, diplomatic competition and geopolitical impact...are already available in a large literature for the curious mind. Currently, Indigenous Peoples Cultural Foundation (IPCF) is also working on a mini two-episode TV series based on the expedition, which will be released in 2020 if all goes well.

For Journalist House, Formosa "promised little...in the way of attraction" (p. 175) . Given his background and a priori conception, he readily agreed with Japanese demonization of Formosans as  scourge, savage, cannibals. In fact, in The Expedition one senses a strong Japan-phile sentiment since House commends Japanese people above the Chinese in integrity, above the Westerners in perseverance, and above Formosans in just about every aspect.

               (Source: Formosans in the 19th century)

During his two-month stay on the island, House had the most contact with Chinese descendants and half-castes of the west coast since their camp was built nearby the villages. Miya, their local assistant, appeared either Chinese or at least more Chinese than Formosan if he was a half-caste according to  physician-turned-novelist Chen Yao-chan.

However, his regard for them was not very high. Their betel-nut chewing was "half ghastly and half grotesque" (p. 33); their appetite for remuneration was absurdly high; and even though they might be have "superior approach to civilization", native Formosans had "higher average of natural qualities...[being] open..[and] respectable...What they promise, they adhere to with reasonable fidelity" (p. 140). In other words, the Chinese were not so honest in their dealings.

Regarding Formosans or the natives, House showed a change of attitude. In the beginning, he considered them semi-savages, Cannibals, barbarians, or the rude tribe. Attending the conferences between General Saigou Jyuudou (1843-1902) and head-men of Longkiau Eighteen Village Confederation, he had the chance to watch closely the leaders of the Confederation and wrote the following observation.

In the first conference on May 15th, about forty Formosans led by the younger son of Tokitok (the late leader of the Confederation with whom Charles Le Gendre negotiated over the Rover Incident in 1867) showed up at the meeting. House thought the younger son of Tokitok "tall and muscular and considerably above the European average in stature and physical development" (64). He was a fine looking lad of the tender age of eighteen, and yet was already the most potent voice in the affairs of confederation, showing confidently a willingness to hold pleasant relations with the Japanese.

In the second conference on May 25, the Formosan delegation was led by Isa, Chief of Sawali (present-day Yung-jing Village). House admired him even more, describing him as "tranquil, composed, and dignified...no man in his position could have demeaned himself better than he did" (p. 98). Besides, Isa was "simple and straightforward, and also as self possessed, as the most thoroughly tutored man of the world could have seen" (p. 100).

Although in House's eyes, the Confederation itself was not very steady with inner power struggles spilling over the brim (Mudan, looked upon as an enemy by other Confederation members, was withdrawing), he saw at least in these two leaders an image different from the semi-savage or rude tribe he construed before. Hence he concluded,

"in this part of the island, a stranger travelling and mixing among the natives with obviously no hostile design, would suffer no molestation; for the tribes, though half uncivilized and jealous in temper, have no traditional wrongs to avenge, and are far from barbarous in their disposition or habits. But in the event of suspicions of injurious intention being aroused, the case would be wholly altered" (p. 48).

On the whole, relationships among various groups on Formosa was not tranquil, although inter-marriage was not uncommon either. In addition to struggles among loosely-linked Formosan villages, what especially drew the attention of House was the animosity between the Chinese and Formosans. The shipwrecked Ryukyu people were killed, House cited for example, because they were mistaken as Chinese.

Not only did the two groups differ in appearance, but they were also guided by different behavior principles. According to House, the Chinese was greedy after money, while Formosans, especially two aforementioned leaders, always refused payment or pecuniary gifts. Also in terms of integrity, Formosans were higher on the ladder than the Chinese. Similar observations were already written two hundred years ago by the Dutch VOC merchants in their journals.

House also paid attention to the languages used in communication. Translation was naturally indispensable. With the Chinese, a very competent interpreter Johnson was at hand. Otherwise, Chinese characters or sign language invented on the spot was used to facilitate business.

With Formosans, however, "a triple translation" was adopted. Translation went  from Japanese into English, thence into Chinese and again into the Formosan language, and the other way back. A few Formosans understood the Chinese language, like Isa, but could not speak, read, or write. In the 17th century, Spanish sources revealed that local Formosans spoke their own dialect, a lingua franca Basay for business on the coast, and Spanish.

Indeed, the 1874 punitive expedition was a success for Japan. More resistance appeared in the form of temperature (excruciating heat), climate (violent summer storms), and terrain (inaccessible mountain wilds) than counter-strike from the local. But for Formosans, was the chastisement truly just? From my point of view, it was clearly a case of state violence against people.

I honestly don't share E. H. House's support for Japan here, but I thank him for writing about Formosans, knowing well this is only from his eyes.

Postscript: Nowadays, Mudan (Sinevaudjan) has 594 Paiwan residents and Kuskus 660.

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